Messiah vs. Messiah: Déjà vu and James McGrath
By Thomas Verenna
James has recently scolded me for not calling him by his first name. Out of our mutual respect, I am pleased to do so as formalities in these matters, while proper and traditional, are not realistic. I was pleased to see that James did not bring up any new arguments which I have not already addressed in my initial correspondence with him which will make this reply much easier to work with, even if I find myself restating points I had already made earlier. That is the consequence of bloggersations, I suppose.
Much of James’ post is, to say the least, a restatement of his own convictions rather then attempts at finding solutions. For example, he writes again on the consensus of historians on a historical Jesus. But, as I addressed in my previous article, there is no consensus among historians on Jesus. There is an alleged consensus (i.e. that everyone just assumes what everyone else’s opinions are), but James would be hard pressed to show that 95% of scholars (the amount of scholars needed for an actual ‘consensus’) all agree on the historical nature of the figure of Jesus. I would ask James to not only present me with his data for coming to the conclusion that such a consensus exists, but that he prove that even with that consensus that scholars cannot be wrong as a whole. As I pointed out initially, scholars as a whole have been wrong about historicity of biblical characters and events before (in fact, in every case where historicity has been assumed in its core in the Patriarchal narratives, 100% of the claims for historicity have been wrong).
But let us assume for a moment that James is correct in his assumption. Let’s just pretend that Jesus scholars are in a consensus about the historical Jesus, and 95% of them all agree to historical nuances concerning Jesus; who he was, when he lived, when he died, his age at his death, what his goals were, and (per James) how he failed. Would these conclusions be based on evidence or on speculation? That would depend on James’ ability to provide me with a method of separating the fiction from the fact in the Gospel accounts. Until then, it would not change the fact that scholars are routinely looking into the well of historical Jesus scholarship, seeing whatever is reflected back at them from the water below, and calling that Jesus. This flexibility over what is historical and what is not is not only a refutation to the claim for consensus, it is a clear indication that there is no way one can fracture the narrative successfully and indicate what is historical and what isn’t.
Another example of a restated argument which has already been addressed is the claim that:
I said in the post to which I pointed Tom that the crucifixion provides strong evidence for the existence of Jesus, since being executed by the foreign rulers over the Jewish nation would have been considered by most to mean automatic disqualification as a candidate for being the Messiah. I stand by that argument, and in response to Tom’s points in his post, I’ll elaborate further.
Just saying the crucifixion “provides strong evidence” is not itself evidence of anything except James’ own circular reasoning. It’s circular that the crucifixion provides evidence because it relies solely on the text that is the subject of our investigations here. In other words, James is assuming the point in dispute. James would need to provide a strong case for the historicity of the crucifixion from actual evidence; but he would have to do so by ignoring other equally plausible ways in which Jesus died and where he died (not to mention when, and who did the killing) that other scholars have postulated and put forth. (Which I actually already laid out in the article to James which initiated this bloggersation) James’ statement is no different than if I said that Dionysus being torn limb from limb by the Titans provides strong evidence for the existence of Dionysus (being torn limb from limb is a pretty gruesome and humiliating means to die!), or Orpheus being slain by fundamentalist Dionysian worshippers must be evidence (or in James’ words, “strong evidence”) for the existence of Orpheus (I would say that a strong, adventurous Greek being slain by a group of ravenous women would be humiliating as well).
No, James, none of this is evidence for any of these literary characters who were worshipped by little Christian-like cults, centuries before Christianity came onto the scene. These events are only strong evidence for the characters within the story. Beyond the narratives themselves, none of these events are evidence for anything.
James’ main arguments seem to be about my use of Isaiah as a model for Markan narrative, which he ad hocs a lot using a restated argument which I had earlier already dealt with (i.e. that being executed by foreign rulers would be instant disqualification by “most”); restating this over and over is not going to prove it any faster, regardless how many times James will allege it. Unless I’m mistaken and we’re tallying points, evidence must be presented when making a conclusion such as this. Conversely, recent studies in socio-culture concerning Jews in the Diaspora and in Palestine during the Hellenistic and Roman periods shows not only a high level of assimilation of Jews in the Diaspora and in Palestine, but also that Jews were fighting in Greek armies willingly, some attended Greek schools and even became governors over districts where they sent troops against their own kin. Orpheus depicted as a Jew can be found painted on Jewish synagogue walls, some Jewish epitaphs are inscribed on tombstones in Greek, some in Latin, with veneration of Greek Gods. Inscriptions over Jewish businesses in Alexandria reflect veneration of the Ptolemy’s as Gods. Claiming, as James does, that “most” Jews agreed on anything in the Hellenistic and Roman period is naivety at its best.
But it does not stop there, as clearly Mark felt (and Paul, and Chloe, and Clement, and every other early Christian who converted) that being killed by a “foreign” ruler (I hesitate to use ‘foreign’ as James does, as the Jews growing up in Palestine in the first century would not have been alive when the Romans had taken over the region from the Seleukids; the Romans were not foreigners to Jews who were already into their Second-Generation under the empire) was not “immediate disqualification.” Jews did not have a set Orthodoxy (see recent studies discussed above). We know of 30+ Jewish sects that existed in the first century CE, but there were undoubtedly more than that. Each had their own distinctiveness. Just the two most popular sects from the Gospels, the Pharisees and the Sadducees, had very different concepts of the Messiah. The Qumran texts (which James alludes to briefly in his post to Hambydammit’s excellent critiques) consist of more than one perspective on Messianic fulfillment. James would have to somehow account for these differences of tradition among these varying Jewish sects in order to provide an ample reason for his assumption that there was one type of Messianic prophecy that every Jew accepted. I’m sure the scholarly community would love to hear James’ solid data and source material for assuming this (I know I would).
Because James spends so much time on Isaiah, I’m going to spend a lot of time making my case more effective. After James takes some time to evaluate how trends in fundamentalist Christianity can differ so incredibly from a skeptic’s interpretations on Isaiah, James finally addresses the problem. Or does he? He writes “It is, at best, a passage that could be viewed as a prophecy with the benefit of hindsight, but scarcely seems to provide a sufficient basis for someone inventing a crucified Messiah.” This is a futile swatting of the hand towards the sun, as if by motioning at it, it will cease to lay down its smoldering rays. By simply ignoring the intertextual use of Isaiah for the creation of the narrative, James does not adequately present a case for his assumptions concerning it, nor does he deal with the fact that Jews did see Jesus’ death as laid out in Mark as a triumph. (We’ll come back to this below) This assumption may be the product of the fact that James specializes in historical Jesus studies and not ancient literary composition—that is to say, how ancient authors….authored.
To write any piece of literature in antiquity akin to the Gospels, in Greek, one had to attend Gymnasium. There is no way around this. What this means is that Jews who wrote anything at all in Hellenistic and Roman Palestine, Egypt, or elsewhere in these empires, had to be educated by Greeks in the Greek alphabet, in Greek rhetoric, in Greek literature and in Greek philosophy (of which the student could choose which school they wanted to align with). They would have to study under a grammatikos to become a philologos. There was no separate school for Jews, or Christians, or Romans, or Egyptians, if you wrote in Greek you had to attend the same Gymnasium; they were everywhere in the ancient Near East during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, including in Palestine. The students learned to write by using models, generally Homer or Euripides would be used as a means by which students would copy from and eventually create their own works utilizing these models as foundations for other works. This is why you see so many similar themes in ancient literature – those who wrote used other literature to develop and spring-board from when creating their own narrative.
That aside, Jews, like every educated Greek and Roman (the majority of antiquity could not read and were illiterate), had a wealth of literature to use and draw from. The Libraries in Rome and Alexandria for example were rumored to contain every type of literature in the history of written language, and I’m sure scholars were debating the historicity of the figure of Odysseus then as we are discussing the historicity of the figure of Jesus now. (In fact, we have records that they were doing just that) The Book of Tobit, for example, has been shown to be drawn almost exclusively from Homeric Epic and Genesis, along with some minor traditions (the Greek tragedy of the widowed bride who can never stayed married, for example). Job may seem to be dealing with the idea of suffering, but really it’s the feeling of abandonment; Job is authored by somebody in the Diaspora who is trying to explain his current situation the best way he can—through understanding of the scriptures pertaining to the story of Exodus where the Jews were in exile only to be given back everything in the end, and Abraham who was exiled and eventually was made the ‘father of all nations’; these stories are all explanations concerning the first exile in Jewish tradition, that of Adam and Even being kicked from Eden.
But let’s look at James’ perspective more closely. Is Isaiah “at best, a passage that could be viewed as a prophecy with the benefit of hindsight…?” Does it “but scarcely” seem to “provide sufficient basis for someone inventing a crucified Messiah?” Let’s compare!
Mark’s account of the crucifixion story is as follows: Jesus is brought before the Sanhedrin and demanded to account for his actions but he remains silent (Mark 15:1-5); Pilate offers to release one prisoner to the crowd, whomever they asked for, as he does at every feast. Pilate offers them to Jesus (as he suspects he has been tricked—clever fellow!) but the Sanhedrin gets them to release a different Jesus, Jesus Bar’Abbas (Son of the Father), and the crowd demands that Jesus, Son of Man (Where have we heard this phrase before? Ah, yes, Isaiah!), be crucified. Pilate obeys the will of the crowd out of fear (Mark 15:6-15); Jesus is mocked and denigrated, spit on and despised (Mark 15:16-20); They offered him wine mixed with myrrh but Jesus declines, and then they hang him (through crucifixion, stauros) and “cast lots,” and those to his left and right were robbers and thieves, murders by all rights (highwaymen who murdered pedestrians and took their things). Everyone mocked him, “Those who were crucified with him also reviled him” but he did not save himself (Mark 15:21-32); On the sixth hour a darkness comes over the land, Jesus shouts “My God, my God, why has thou forsaken me?” and dies. At his last breath a centurion remarks, “Truly this man was the Son of God!” (Mark 15:33-38) According to your perspective, this is clearly not invented from the Suffering Servant trope in Isaiah. But let us examine that chapter, shall we?
The Son of Man who is the Lords coming salvation for Israel will remain silent “He was oppressed, and he was afflicted, yet he opened not his mouth; like a lamb that is led to the slaughter, and like a sheep that before its shearers is silent, so he opened not his mouth.” (Isaiah 53:7); He is oppressed and “by…judgment he was taken away;” (Isaiah 53:8); The Son of Man must be killed for the salvation of Israel, wounded because of Israel’s transgressions. He must be the sheep to the slaughter. (Isaiah 53:5-6, 10-11); The Son of Man, the servant of God’s salvation for Israel, will be mocked and hated (Isaiah 53:2-3); God has preordained this all to happen, he has forsaken the Son of Man, “It was the will of the Lord to crush him; He has put him to grief,” (Isaiah 53:10). The whole foundation of the crucifixion is entirely founded upon this chapter – the whole of the Gospel of Mark is laden with hints to this very thing!
The beginning of Mark, for example, is clearly telling us he is interpreting scripture from Isaiah, this is why Mark tells is we are learning about the “good news.” (Isaiah 52:7, “How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him who brings good news, who publishes peace, who brings good news of happiness, who publishes salvation, who says to Zion, “Your God reigns.”) Mark goes out of his way to make us a promise from the start of his Gospel using a mixture of passages from where he is interpreting, “As it is written in (Isaiah – some manuscripts add this, Ed.) the prophet…”. This is not a coincidence, nor is Mark just trying to validate something after the fact. The narrative is a whole, cohesive unit, from start to finish. Jesus tells of his own demise, “And he began to teach them that the Son of Man must suffer many things and be rejected by the elders and the chief priests and the scribes and be killed, and after three days rise again.” (Mark 8:31)
Mark is not skirting the issue at all, but rather he is being very explicit about where he is pulling his crucifixion and resurrection narrative from. A full-knowing reader would understand. “And he said to them, “Elijah does come first to restore all things. And how is it written of the Son of Man that he should suffer many things and be treated with contempt? But I tell you that Elijah has come, and they did to him whatever they pleased, as it is written of him.” (Mark 9:12-13) “The Son of Man is going to be delivered into the hands of men, and they will kill him. And when he is killed, after three days he will rise.” (Mark 9:31) “See, we are going up to Jerusalem, and the Son of Man will be delivered over to the chief priests and the scribes, and they will condemn him to death and deliver him over to the Gentiles. And they will mock him and spit on him, and flog him and kill him. And after three days he will rise.” (Mark 10:33-34) My name may reflect the doubter of the disciples, but it is James who is not so dissimilar from the character of the disciples in Mark, who “did not understand the saying, and were afraid to ask him.” (Mark 9:32) Mark further cues the reader to Isaiah’s Son of Man concerning who he would be crucified with: “And they made his grave with the wicked” (Isaiah 53:9); “and was numbered with the transgressors” (Isaiah 53:12)—Mark has two disciples ask Jesus if they can sit at his left and right, but Jesus responds, “but to sit at my right hand or at my left is not mine to grant, but it is for those for whom it has been prepared….For even the Son of Man came not to be served but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many.” (Mark 10:40, 45) The wicked are those who must be at his side, so Mark invents the scene with Jesus being crucified next to two murderers.
This all ties into James’ assumptions about fiction writing and my perspective (which he gets wrong or doesn’t understand) when he writes:
Be that as it may, it is unclear what the aim of such an author would be. Is it simply to tell a story of a failed Messiah?…The question that remains is why someone would invent a story from scratch about a figure, claim that this individual is the Messiah and that the story is good news, and then present the individual as failing to fulfill the expectations of such an anointed one.
James is re-uttering his ad hoc position about the failure of Jesus. But James ignores the fact that Mark does not consider it a failure. Mark is interpreting scripture here; he isn’t recounting historical events that would embarrass him. Mark makes a promise at the beginning of the narrative which James misses the whole point of! James writes that, “The beginning of the Gospel of Mark seems to exclude that option, since it speaks of “good news about Jesus the Messiah”, even as Jesus himself throughout the book tells people not to speak publicly about him as Messiah.” This skirts around the promise that Mark is making and James, in his historical understanding of the narratives, misses entirely. Every Gospel author sets up a promise at the beginning of the narrative (See my article on this here). Mark’s Gospel also makes a promise, that this is a story; it’s Isaiah’s “good news” of the “Savior Anointed”. The Gospel ends with the good news that Jesus has risen. That is Mark’s good news (God’s salvation, Jesus-Yahweh Saves, Savior-has come and died, rising again to save Israel as it was ordained to happen). Israel is saved through the grace of God by the sacrifice of the Son of Man. There is no failure in the narrative at all; it is clear and concise in the narrative. There is no evidence from the Gospels to assume the core of this story was historical. The whole narrative is built up from the start, fabricated, and each part of the narrative is needed for the completion to be “Gospel.”
Now, it may be that James is utterly embarrassed by his conclusions about what he assumes to be historical reality. Certainly if I claimed to be a Christian, I would be embarrassed by the failure of my historical Jesus too, especially if I thought him crucified, yet still considered him to be my Lord and Savior (as a Christian will do, by definition). James may be horrified and embarrassed and other modern Christians who think as James does obviously would be. But that does not mean Mark or any other early Christian thought that way. Paul certainly didn’t. The only story we have from antiquity that is written within the 100 years of Jesus’ supposed death (or since Paul’s own writing) is Mark’s story: The good news of Isaiah. We do not have a story about a failed messiah, not in Mark (as James keeps trying to insinuate) nor in early Christianity. It’s just an ad hoc argument designed to skirt around the actual evidence I provided earlier in this discussion and in my previous response to James’ assumptions. Unless, that is, James can present evidence for his position.
But let’s assume James is right. Let’s say Mark is aware of a story about a failed messiah, like Hillel or John the Baptist (assuming their existence historically, that is). Let’s recall all Mark had to go through to be educated in Greek. Mark would have spent all this time learning to write, using models to formulate new texts at Gymnasium, only to squander it all later on writing a single Gospel of poorly-written historical-fiction to an audience made up of mostly illiterates who would not be able to read his work. According to James, he would not have been using readily-available models (like the Septuagint or Homeric epic) to formulate plot and narrative and his whole story would be about a failed messiah who he believed to be the savior, although he was thoroughly embarrassed by him. Really, James? You feel this is a much better explanation of the available data than the interpretation of the data that I’ve given above? (By the way, Richard Carrier is writing a full refutation of the Criterion of Embarrassment in a contribution to a collection of essays I am editing)
But this brings us to his big question James asked: Why was it written? But this could easily be turned. If Mark is recounting some history, why would Mark want to write a story about a failed Messiah? If Mark doesn’t know about the failed resurrection of Jesus and thinks Jesus resurrected, why all this hype about the crucifixion being historical when the whole passion narrative would have been legend by the time Mark wrote? But let’s say I’m right. Mark wrote a narrative about the salvation of Israel. Just like every other Jewish fiction narrative written in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. It’s a narrative about people fearing abandonment by God, who has been there all along, preordaining the order of history; that is, he preordained Israel’s salvation with the Son of Man. Mark’s Gospel is a narrative about this, just as Job’s narrative is about salvation and redemption from what his friends deemed as exile from God. Jesus is the new Moses, the new David who, like David, has a triumphal entry into Jerusalem on a donkey (also an allusion to Zech. 9), why he goes to the Mount of Olives to pray like David had done, why he must constantly flee from his enemies like David, why he must suffer and be hung from a tree (or be crucified) like David’s son Absalom – Israel’s false messiah. He is the true messiah-per the Gospel authors–and like David, he must save the Israelites from their Philistines (sin). Jesus is the Son of Man, but also David, and Moses, and Elijah the disgruntled prophet. Hence his name (Matt. 1:21). Jesus represents the suffering servant from Isaiah who must be oppressed and judged wrongfully, who will have a rich man in his death, and be killed with the wicked. He must make himself a sin offering, as in Leviticus. Pilate’s palace is the place of meeting where two lots are cast and Jesus must be put to death. Jesus represents the exiled Israel, looking for salvation. “Why has God forsaken me?” (Psalm 22) They want to know what is in store for them, why they feel so alone from God. This is Mark’s solution. It is truly an inspiring edification of Hebrew tradition. But it is not history. It is a part of a long tradition in Hellenistic-Jewish-Roman literature, not separate from it.
And why the double standard with the canonical Gospels? Why just stop at assuming a historical core to Mark? Why not assume a historical core to the Infancy Gospel of Thomas, or to the Acts of Paul, or to the Hypostasis of the Archons, or to the Sophia of Jesus Christ (which is rewritten tradition taken from the Jewish Eugnostos the Blessed)? It’s a double standard with a decidedly Christian taint.
Additionally, I would like James to address the eponymic quality of names in Jewish tradition, and how Jesus Christ just so coincidentally fits that tradition. And how there are 12 disciples that just so happen to coincide with the 12 tribes of Israel, or to Moses 12 heads of the 12 tribes, that would be nice to have addressed. The problem with assuming historicity is that all of these very literary epochs are taken for granted. These nuances ignored and their function bastardized. One cannot see the forest between the trees, so to speak.
Finally, I see that James wants to bring up Paul. I wish James would read more carefully, because I already addressed Paul in my initial dialog with him. I have already explained that Paul is doing something not so dissimilar to Mark with his letters, i.e. interpreting scripture. You can read the full article here. I would like it if James did not restate his convictions a third time and just deal with the evidence.
Posted by Tom Verenna
Posted by Tom Verenna
Posted by Tom Verenna 


